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Wednesday, May 21, 2008
[vinnomot] Re: [notun_bangladesh] What makes CTG naked
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[vinnomot] Some facts about Jamat-e-islame Bangladesh but not complete: Yet to come more..
I have added some sentences in Italics below in your post.
Shamim Chowdhury <veirsmill@yahoo.com> wrote:
In March the next year (1942) at a session of majlis-e-shoora an allegation was made that Maulana Moududi lived an ostentatious life which was repugnant to the tenets of Islam. Demand for his resignation was made at this session. Though ultimatewly he succeeded in retaining the post of Amir, four members quit the party.
In 1942 he shifted the headquarters of the party from Lahore to East Punjab. In 1944 he appointed Mia Tofael Ahmed secretary-general of the party. The next year (1945) from April 19 to 21 the first central 'rokon' (workers) council was held at Pathancourt for the last time.
After the partition of India, in 1948, Maulana Moududi came over to Pakistan accompanied by 306 of the party's 533 members and began party activities in his new home. As the Maulana decreed that the jehad in Kashmir was haram (forbidden act in Islam) he, along with a few members of Jamat was arrested in 1948. The first council of the party in Pakistan was held from 6 to 8 May. Maududi came out of prison in 1950 and built up a liaison with a few other Islamic parties.
In January, 1953 at a conference of clerics Maulana made a demand for declaring the members of the Ahmediya community as non-Muslim. At this time Maududi made many provocative statements against the Ahmediya community which incited a riot against the Ahmediyas at the end of February, 1953 which escalated further in March that year. In Punjab a frenzied bloodbath ensued killing thousands of people. After this Maulana Moududi and his followers were arrested and tried. In the trial the Maulana was awarded the death sentence and his followers were convicted to imprisonment of various terms. Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani and Maulana Akram Khan opposed the verdict of death sentence. Later the death sentence was set aside and he was given life term. Of course, for political reasons Maududi was released in 1955.
In the East Pakistan of those Jamat-e-Islami had no organisational base. In 1948 Jamat leader Rafi Ahmed Indori was sent to East Pakistan with the objective of expanding political activities here. Before that Maulana Moududi had visited East Pakistan in an organisational tour, accompanied by the secretary-general of his party. By the persistent efforts of Rafi Ahmed and Abdur Rahim a four-member provincial committee of jamat was formed in East Pakistan. Abdur Rahim was elected Amir of this committee. Gholam Azam who was a teacher in Rangpur Carmichael College joined jamat-e-Islami in 1954 as an associate member. In 1955 he achieved the post of rokon. The same year he became secretary of the party's Rajshahi division and the next year he was given the responsibility of provincial assistant secretary, the Amir of Rajshahi and provincial secretary. At that time the Amir of the provincial branch of the party was Abdur Rahim.
Around this time many allegations against Moududi were again being made within the party. In 1957 he called an all-Pakistan Jamat conference in Bahawalpur. At this conference he became Amir, which prompted the dissidents to quit the party.
In 1962 when General Ayub promulgated Muslim Family Ordinance Moududi opposed the Ordinance. For this on 4 January, 1964 the Ayub government banned Jamat and arrested 60 Jamat members including Moududi. They included 13 Jamat members of East Pakistan , among whom were Gholam Azam. All of them were sentenced to death on charges of Treason by Justice Munir Kiyani, a relative of present Commander in Chief of Pakistan Army but a Telephone Call from US President of those days, all were released since they all were on CIA Pay Roll. Later, in October the same year the ban on Jamat was lifted, thanks to USA. After this, nobody in Pakistan restricted any Religious Parties or any Mollaas from saying, whatever they wanted to say about Pakistan, USA or West and they were home-free since all the Socialists and Communists parties that used to come with counter-points to their preachings were effectively killed on the orders of CIA. In Mollaa Gen. Zia's days, religious Extremist Philosophy of Wahabi Islam spread un-checked making Pakistanis become too influenced by it.
Jamat-e-Islami opposed the Six Points of Sheikh Mujib and the Fourteen Points of Maulana Bhashani. In 1967 was formed the PDS or Pakistan Democratic Movement. Jamat-e-Islami took part in it. In 1968-69 Ayub Khan summoned a roundtable conference with the purpose of foiling the great mass movement. Jamat-e-Islami at this time engaged in various kinds of machinations. The party began to emit venom against NAP and Awami League. Jamat took part in the election of 1970. In West Pakistan the party won only in four seats.
In 1971 when the Liberation War began Jamat-e-Islami took the side of Pakistan. In the month of April Gholam Azam met General Tikka Khan twice within the space of one day and opposing the liberation of Bangladesh offered his full cooperation. Gholam Azam branded the Freedom Fighters as anti-State elements. Gholam Azam played a foremost and active role in forming the 'peace committees' in the Pak-occupied Bangladesh under the leadership of a Khawaja Khairuddin, president of Council Muslim League. Jamat-e-Islami also had an active role in the formation of the forces of the 'Razakars', Al Badr and As Shams. Throughout the period of the Liberation War of Bangladesh, the leaders and workers of Jamat-e-Islami and the workers of Chhatra Sangha had been directing many-sided action against the Bangalee nation. This included the obliteration of the Bangalees as a nation, the killing of innocent people and intellectuals, mass arrests, rapes, looting and arson, etc.
On 3 Septamber, 1971 Dr A S Mlik wa sappointed the governor of East Pakistan and on 17 September provincial government was formed here. In this cabinet the Jamat leader Abbas Ali Khan was appointed education minister and Maulana Abul Kalam Mohammed Yusuf became the minister for works and revenue. In August 1970 a by-election was held in which 78 members of National Assembly of the victorious Awami League were declared disqualified from being candidates. In this by-election 58 candidates were elected uncontested. They incluuded 25 Jamat leaders among whom were Gholam Azam, Abdur Rahim, Abbas Ali Khan. After liberation, as all religious parties were banned, Jamat-e-Islami also came under the ban.
In August 1976 the Ziaur Rahman government announced the Political Parties Regulation. According to this regulation, the number of polirtical parties recognised by the state at that time was only 21. One of them were Islamic Democratic League. Jamat-e-Islami played an active r�le in the formation of this party. Gholam Azam came to Bangladesh for three months on Pakistani passport and through his leadership from the background Jamat-e-Islami was formed in May, 1979. Abbas Ali Khan was elected the acting Amir. After this Gholam Azam surrendered his Pakisatani passport and applied for Bangladeshi citizenship.
Jamat helped to promote Ziaur Rahman's politics. After Ershad came to power it directed its activities in the same manner. In 1986 Jamat took part in the election to the third parliament in which ten of its members were elected. In the fifth parliament it won 28 seats, and by supporting BNP in formation of government obtained two more reserved women's seats. Through these happenings Jamat was able to dig its heels in national politics. After the 1991 election during the BNP rule the question of Gholam Azam's citizenship was taken to the court of law following which the court granted him citizenship.
In 1992 under Jahanara Imam on whom was conferred the title 'Shaheed Janani' (the Mother Of Martyrs) a strong movement was built up for the elimination of the killers and collaborators of 1971. This led to a fall in the popularity of Jamat. After this Jamat remained active with Awami League in the demand for caretaker government. Of course, in the 1996 election Jamat won only three seats. The number of votes polled by them throughout the country also dropped sharply. In the post-election years Jamat with BNp formed a four-party alliance and it is fighting the election to the eighth parliament jointly with BNP.
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[vinnomot] The fate of the caretaker government - going forward
The fate of the caretaker government - going forward
On and off, there has been a talk about the need and justification of the caretaker government. Our intellectuals and politicians are acting as if they actually have some grey material.
Please allow us tell you one thing in a very plain language and propose something very humbly.
If our post-independence politicians have done anything good for themselves and for the country, it is the idea, demand and implementation of caretaker government system. The way this idea evolved and eventually got implemented, this is true example of participatory policy innovation where situation had driven the eventual solution to an acute problem that we had.
It is significant for various reasons from the context of political culture of Bangladesh. First of all, this is significant because it is probably one instance where our politicians have spoken the truth, they have acknowledged that they have a problem. And they actually worked to solve the problem. Now, nindukera will say that they neither tell the truth to rescue the country nor they had the best interest of the general people behind this policy. Rather they used their brain here because it was about the ruti-ruji'r vaga-vagi for them! But let us forget that aspect for today. After all, we want to look forward.
So, what is the problem with this rule?
There is no problem. Actually, we think this is a rule that will be copied or should be copied in most of the under-developep countries. Why do we think so? Because, this rule recognizes the limitation of an election-based democratic system for a soceity which is not educated enough, a system which has not developed the institutions to check and balance the problems of a democracy. The system of caretaker government acutally enforces some of the check and balance into the system nicely.
Off course, this is also an indication of a weak democracy - a demonstration of not-so-developed system. In other words, as long as we or any other country have it, it will be an indication that we have a problem within our system. Probably, thats why our intellects are trying to give lesson to us. They are like haturey dactars. You have a disease - but they would like you to beleive that you have been cured! This exactly have been happening in our national porimondol during the last several decades. We think there is still need for the system of caretaker system. It is not only a demonstration of our weakness, but it also is a demonstration of our effort that we are working towards fixing the problem. At least, this system prevents a negative progression.
Ok, ok, lets assume we are working towards fixing the problem - but when would we be done fixing it? How would we know?
This off course is a koti takar prosno. But we think this can be solved by some modification in the act. Election commission should consider making a minor amendment in the rules of the national election. The idea is something like this:
During a national election every five years, the election commission can hold a parallel referendum asking a simple question - "Do you think our next national election should not be held under a caretaker government?" So, during the election people will send a slate of MP to the parliament. At the same time, they will also mention whether they think the upcoming government will be in power during the next election or whether a caretaker government should be installed for the next election. For example, say during the upcoming election, Party X may win the parliament but at the same time people might give a NO VOTE for the Party X. In other words, people sends this Party X to form the government, but they do not think that the national institutions are strong enough to rely on Party X to hold the next national election. So, when the time of next national election comes, a caretaker government will be formed to hold that election. This would be repeated indefinitely. Or if the people do not want the caretaker government for a consecutive five times, we may then declare that our system is now developed enough to repeal the system of caretaker government. There might be other minor things that can be done to improve the current provision of the caretaker government. But on broad scale, we should not think that our system has already outgrown the need of the system. Not yet.
Makes sense?
If you thought some of the ideas are worth of your reading time, please forward it to others. If you have an ear to the columinsts in regular traditional media, please forward it to them. If you have an ear to the journalists and news editors of the electronic media, discuss it with them. Hope they would look at the suggestions and give due diligence.
Thanks for your time,
Innovation Line
=======================================================
Note: This is a freelance column, published mainly in different internet based forums. This column is open for contribution by the members of new generation, sometimes referred to as Gen 71. If you identify yourself as someone from that age-group and want to contribute to this column, please feel free to contact. Thanks to the group moderator for publishing the article.
Dear readers, also, if you thought the article was important enough so it should come under attention of the head of the government please forward the message to them. Email address for the Chief Advisor: feeedback@pmo.gov.bd _ or at http://www.cao.gov.bd/feedback/comments.php . The more of you forward it to them, the less will be the need to go back to street agitation. Use ICT to practice democracy. It is already proven that this government responds to the feedback.
Also send to your favourtie TV channel:
Channel i: http://www.channel-i-tv.com/contact.html
ATN Bangla: mtplive@atnbangla.tv _
NTV: info@ntvbd.com_
RTV: info@rtvbd.tv_
BTV: info@btv.gov.bd _
====================================================
Thanks for your time,
Innovation Line
============
Note: This is a freelance column, published mainly in different internet based forums. This column is open for contribution by the members of new generation, sometimes referred to as Gen 71. If you identify yourself as someone from that age-group and want to contribute to this column, please feel free to contact. Thanks to the group moderator for publishing the article.
Dear readers, also, if you thought the article was important enough so it should come under attention of the head of the government please forward the message to them. Email address for the Chief Advisor: feeedback@pmo.
Also send to your favourtie TV channel:
Channel i: http://www.channel-
ATN Bangla: mtplive@atnbangla.
NTV: info@ntvbd.com_
RTV: info@rtvbd.tv_
BTV: info@btv.gov.
============
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[vinnomot] Some facts about Jamat-e-islame Bangladesh but not complete: Yet to come more..
| The Originally the organization was named Jamat-e-islami Hind. Maulana Syed Abul Ala Moududi was its founder. Though established in 1941 the organization was foreshadowed when Maulana Moududi began a vehement criticism of Pakistan and the Muslim League in his speeches, addresses and religious sermons. After the Lahore Resolution was adopted a conference was arranged called by Maulana Moududi. At this conference, on 26 August, 1941 Jamat-e-Islami Hind was formed. A sixteen-member majlis-e-shoora was constituted and Maulana Moududi was elected the Amir of the party. In March the next year (1942) at a session of majlis-e-shoora an allegation was made that Maulana Moududi lived an ostentatious life which was repugnant to the tenets of Islam. Demand for his resignation was made at this session. Though ultimatewly he succeeded in retaining the post of Amir, four members quit the party. In 1942 he shifted the headquarters of the party from Lahore to East Punjab. In 1944 he appointed Mia Tofael Ahmed secretary-general of the party. The next year (1945) from April 19 to 21 the first central �rokon� (workers) council was held at Pathancourt for the last time. After the partition of India, in 1948, Maulana Moududi came over to Pakistan accompanied by 306 of the party's 533 members and began party activities in his new home. As the Maulana decreed that the jehad in Kashmir was haram (forbidden act in Islam) he, along with a few members of Jamat was arrested in 1948. The first council of the party in Pakistan was held from 6 to 8 May. Maududi came out of prison in 1950 and built up a liaison with a few other Islamic parties. In January, 1953 at a conference of clerics Maulana made a demand for declaring the members of the Ahmediya community as non-Muslim. At this time Maududi made many provocative statements against the Ahmediya community which incited a riot against the Ahmediyas at the end of February, 1953 which escalated further in March that year. In Punjab a frenzied bloodbath ensued killing thousands of people. After this Maulana Moududi and his followers were arrested and tried. In the trial the Maulana was awarded the death sentence and his followers were convicted to imprisonment of various terms. Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani and Maulana Akram Khan opposed the verdict of death sentence. Later the death sentence was set aside and he was given life term. Of course, for political reasons Maududi was released in 1955. In the East Pakistan of those Jamat-e-Islami had no organisational base. In 1948 Jamat leader Rafi Ahmed Indori was sent to East Pakistan with the objective of expanding political activities here. Before that Maulana Moududi had visited East Pakistan in an organisational tour, accompanied by the secretary-general of his party. By the persistent efforts of Rafi Ahmed and Abdur Rahim a four-member provincial committee of jamat was formed in East Pakistan. Abdur Rahim was elected Amir of this committee. Gholam Azam who was a teacher in Rangpur Carmichael College joined jamat-e-Islami in 1954 as an associate member. In 1955 he achieved the post of rokon. The same year he became secretary of the party's Rajshahi division and the next year he was given the responsibility of provincial assistant secretary, the Amir of Rajshahi and provincial secretary. At that time the Amir of the provincial branch of the party was Abdur Rahim. Around this time many allegations against Moududi were again being made within the party. In 1957 he called an all-Pakistan Jamat conference in Bahawalpur. At this conference he became Amir, which prompted the dissidents to quit the party. In 1962 when General Ayub promulgated Muslim Family Ordinance Moududi opposed the Ordinance. For this on 4 January, 1964 the Ayub government banned Jamat and arrested 60 Jamat members including Moududi. They included 13 Jamat members of East Pakistan , among whom were Gholam Azam. Later, in October the same year the ban on Jamat was lifted. Jamat-e-Islami opposed the Six Points of Sheikh Mujib and the Fourteen Points of Maulana Bhashani. In 1967 was formed the PDS or Pakistan Democratic Movement. Jamat-e-Islami took part in it. In 1968-69 ayub Khan summoned a roundtable conference with the purpose of foiling the great mass movement. Jamat-e-Islami at this time engaged in various kinds of machinations. The party began to emit venom against NAP and Awami League. Jamat took part in the election of 1970. In West Pakistan the party won only in four seats. In 1971 when the Liberation War began Jamat-e-Islami took the side of Pakistan. In the month of April Gholam Azam met General Tikka Khan twice within the space of one day and opposing the liberation of Bangladesh offered his full cooperation. Gholam Azam branded the Freedom Fighters as anti-State elements. Gholam Azam played a foremost and active r�le in forming the 'peace committees' in the Pak-occupied Bangladesh under the leadership of a Khawaja Khairuddin, president of Council Muslim League. Jamat-e-Islami also had an active r�le in the formation of the forces of the 'Razakars', Al Badr and As Shams. Throughout the period of the Liberation War of Bangladesh, the leaders and workers of Jamat-e-Islami and the workers of Chhatra Sangha had been directing many-sided action against the Bangalee nation. This included the obliteration of the Bangalees as a nation, the killing of innocent people and intellectuals, mass arrests, rapes, looting and arson, etc. On 3 Septamber, 1971 Dr A S Mlik wa sappointed the governor of East Pakistan and on 17 September provincial government was formed here. In this cabinet the Jamat leader Abbas Ali Khan was appointed education minister and Maulana Abul Kalam Mohammed Yusuf became the minister for works and revenue. In August 1970 a by-election was held in which 78 members of National Assembly of the victorious Awami League were declared disqualified from being candidates. In this by-election 58 candidates were elected uncontested. They incluuded 25 Jamat leaders among whom were Gholam Azam, Abdur Rahim, Abbas Ali Khan. After liberation, as all religious parties were banned, Jamat-e-Islami also came under the ban. In August 1976 the Ziaur Rahman government announced the Political Parties Regulation. According to this regulation, the number of polirtical parties recognised by the state at that time was only 21. One of them were Islamic Democratic League. Jamat-e-Islami played an active r�le in the formation of this party. Gholam Azam came to Bangladesh for three months on Pakistani passport and through his leadership from the background Jamat-e-Islami was formed in May, 1979. Abbas Ali Khan was elected the acting Amir. Aqfter this Gholam Azam surrendered his Pakisatani passport and applied for Bangladeshi citizenship. Jamat helped to promote Ziaur Rahman's politics. After Ershad came to power it directed its activities in the same manner. In 1986 Jamat took part in the election to the third parliament in which ten of its members were elected. In the fifth parliament it won 28 seats, and by supporting BNP in formation of government obtained two more reserved women's seats. Through these happenings Jamat was able to dig its heels in national politics. After the 1991 election during the BNP rule the question of Gholam Azam's citizenship was taken to the court of law following which the court granted him citizenship. In 1992 under Jahanara Imam on whom was conferred the title 'Shaheed Janani' (the Mother Of Martyrs) a strong movement was built up for the elimination of the killers and collaborators of 1971. This led to a fall in the popularity of Jamat. After this Jamat remained active with Awami League in the demand for caretaker government. Of course, in the 1996 election Jamat won only three seats. The number of votes polled by them throughout the country also dropped sharply. In the post-election years Jamat with BNp formed a four-party alliance and it is fighting the election to the eighth parliament jointly with BNP. |
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[vinnomot] Destiny is not a matter of chance; it is a matter of choice.
 |
AS THE military-controlled interim government begins its much-talked-about dialogue with the political parties today, there seem to be certain questions in the public mind – valid ones, we must add – about its objective and possible outcome. If the dialogue is really geared towards a peaceful transition to democratic order, as the government has persistently claimed it would be, there are reasons to be sceptical about its desired outcome. The seeds of such scepticism were sown by the chief adviser himself in the course of his address to the nation on May 12 whereby he seemingly sought to predetermine the content and intent of the dialogue through a list of dos and don'ts for the political parties. His prescription, so to speak, has, as we have pointed out in these columns before, touched off the suspicion that his government might coax or coerce the political parties into agreeing to ratify all its actions – legal or illegal – as and when the ninth Jatiya Sangsad convenes after the general elections, now to be held in the third week of December. Meanwhile, the incumbents do not seem to have ceded its not-so-covert attempt at redrawing the political landscape through the execution of its 'minus-two formula', i.e. banishment of Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina from politics. As such, the two major political parties – the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the Awami League – are yet to confirm their participation in the dialogue without Khaleda and Hasina, which, in turn, has only intensified public apprehension that the proposed talks, if held at all, may not end the political impasse and thus diminish the prospect of a peaceful transition.
As we see it, for a peaceful transition, it is imperative that the apolitical incumbents engage in a comprehensive dialogue with the political parties and seek to find ways and means to create an environment conducive to all-contested and credible general elections, absence of which led to the installation of the Fakhruddin Ahmed government and its extra-constitutional perpetuation. Regrettably, however, the chief adviser, instead of trying to inspire confidence among the politicians, apparently antagonised them further by, first, not paying heed to any of their demands, e.g. immediate withdrawal of the state of emergency, release of Khaleda and Hasina for the dialogue and general elections before local government elections, and, second, talking about many issues related to pre- and post-elections scenarios, e.g. formulation of a national charter and balance of power between the president and the prime minister, which should otherwise be in the policymaking domain of elected representatives.
Crucially still, while the elections remain the only option for a peaceful transition to democratic order, the chief adviser's address to the nation suggested that his government is in denial about the lack of Election Commission's of credibility to conduct all-contested and credible elections. The commission, at this point in time, stands devoid of credibility in the eyes of the politicians in particular and the public in general, thanks to its perceived involvement in realising the controversial 'minus-two formula'. What's more, when the government has finally recognised Khandaker Delwar Hossain as the BNP secretary general, the Commission still deems its splinter group as the mainstream of the party. In such circumstances, one would say the incumbents are either unwilling or unable to recognise that the credibility of the commission is and would be the bone of contention, in and outside the dialogue.
Most importantly, the interim government needs to realise that, be they the talks or the elections, the political parties are the main players and that their non-participation or forced exclusion would only nullify the prospect of a peaceful transition and push the country to the brink of a sustained period of political uncertainty and social disorder. We are not suggesting, in any way, that the government should entertain whatever the political parties ask for. We strongly feel that the political parties have to own up their past failures and detail their future plans for democratisation of their individual and collective conduct in public. But the idea of imposing something upon them by an interim regime, that too by one which itself has committed many an illegal and anti-people act over the past 16 months or so, may eventually lead to confrontation. That would not be a good idea, either for the sides involved or the people at large.
From : The Daily Sangbad and the Daily New Age
[vinnomot] Islamic leaders seek Nizami's punishment for war crimes
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[vinnomot] Mukto Barta - May Issue - 2008
Hi,
The current issue of Mukto Barta is brought to you by Bangladesh Open Source Network. Please read the attached online newsletter and share your views and feedback at mukto-barta@
|===========
Regards,
Abu Mohammad Omar Shehab Uddin Ayub
(আবু মোহাম্মদ ওমর শেহাবউদ্দীন আইয়ুব)
Software Engineer, Nilavo Technologies, Banani, Dhaka
Bangladesh Open Source Network, Dhaka
2000 batch, Dept. of CSE, SUST
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[vinnomot] Re: [notun_bangladesh] Crime and corruption ...From the New Age published on ...
In a poor zoo of Bangladesh(just two days earlier,a lion at the dulhazra forest died,newspaper reported), a lion was frustrated as he was offered not more than 1 kg meat a day. One day the lion thought it's prayers were answered when a US Zoo Manager visited the zoo and requested the zoo management to shift the lion to a US zoo. Now the lion was furious. It stopped the delivery boy and blasted him, "Don't you know, I am the lion...King of the Jungle....What'
The lion was pleased and started thinking of a central A/C environment, a goat or two every day and a US Green Card .
On it's first day after arrival, the lion was offered a big bag, sealed very nicely, for breakfast. It opened the bag quickly but was shocked to see that it contained only a few bananas. Controlling its anger, the lion thought that may be they cared too much for him as they were worried about his stomach as he had recently shifted from Bangladesh. The next day the same thing happened. On the third day again the same food bag of bananas was delivered.
The delivery boy politely said, "Sir, I know you are the King of the Jungle but....do you know that you have been brought here on a Monkey's visa!!!
Moral: Better to be a Lion in Bangladesh than a Monkey elsewhere!!
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[vinnomot] Accused Nazi Guard Demjanjuk Loses US Court Appeal
FACTBOX:
Five facts about accused Nazi guard John Demjanjuk
Mon May 19, 2008 2:26pm ED
(Reuters) - Following are five facts about John Demjanjuk, a retired Ohio auto worker who once was convicted and then cleared of being the Nazi concentration camp guard "Ivan the Terrible:"
* Born on April 3, 1920, in Kiev, Ukraine, he said he was drafted into the Russian army in 1941, became a German prisoner of war a year later and served at German prison camps until 1944. He immigrated to the United States in 1951 and became a naturalized citizen in 1958.
* He was stripped of his U.S. citizenship in 1981 and extradited to Israel, where he was sentenced to death in 1988 after Holocaust survivors said he was the notorious guard Ivan at Treblinka where 870,000 people died.
* The Israeli Supreme Court overturned his conviction and death sentence in 1993 and freed him after newly released records from the former Soviet Union showed another man, Ivan Marchenko, was probably the Treblinka guard.
* He returned to his home near Cleveland in 1993 and in 1998 the United States restored his citizenship. But the U.S. Justice Department the following year refiled its case against him, arguing he had worked for the Nazis as a guard at three other death camps and hid the facts when he immigrated.
* A federal judge rescinded his citizenship in 2002 and he was ordered deported in 2005, an order he appealed. But the U.S. Supreme Court on Monday rejected Demjanjuk's appeal.
(Writing by Mike Conlon and James Vicini; Editing by Xavier Briand)
No official request means no Demjanjuk extradition
Ha'aretz, Israel - 4 hours ago
By Anshel Pfeffer Despite the fact that the US Supreme Court declined to review an appeal by convicted Nazi extermination camp guard John Demjanjuk, 88, ...
US Supreme Court denies Demjanjuk appeal Jewish Telegraphic Agency
FACTBOX: Five facts about accused Nazi guard John Demjanjuk Reuters
US to Deport Nazi Camp Guard John Demjanjuk Arutz Sheva
Sydney Morning Herald - The Associated Press
all 265 news articles »
Ha'aretz, Israel - 4 hours ago
By Anshel Pfeffer Despite the fact that the US Supreme Court declined to review an appeal by convicted Nazi extermination camp guard John Demjanjuk, 88, ...
US Supreme Court denies Demjanjuk appeal Jewish Telegraphic Agency
FACTBOX: Five facts about accused Nazi guard John Demjanjuk Reuters
US to Deport Nazi Camp Guard John Demjanjuk Arutz Sheva
Sydney Morning Herald - The Associated Press
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Accused Nazi Guard Demjanjuk Loses US Court Appeal
Demjanjuk was identified by prisoners of KZ Treblinka as "Iwan the Terrible" a particular vicious camp guard who commited attrocities in the camp. He was sentenced in Israël but in the review he was acquitted. In 2002 his US citizenship was revoked. He claims to be a victim of failing memories by his accusers and claims he isn't "Iwan the Terrible" but merely a victim of mistaken identity.
TUI RAZAKER.....
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