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Wednesday, June 4, 2008

[vinnomot] Reality is nothing but a collective hunch

The military backed caretaker government has completed 6 times more than its mandate.  Despite fighting political storms, present caretaker government has reached the last leg of its tenure is a testimony to the ability of the neutral caretaker government to run a public mandated government. It's is to reminded that this is for the first time in our 37 years history after the liberation, unelected people have run the state machinery beyond lawful mission having no clear visions which have broken midway over the issue of Statehood.  

This long term will definitely be matter of joy for caretaker government.Now they have faced with number of issues like rising inflation and price rise, continuing face-off with the political parties, which provide the outside prop to the government.

The facts are in front of them. One don't need to be intellectual to understand the number games of Bangladeshi politics. Nobody knows better than military backed government. Now it all depend on them how the advisors manage the required numbers in the next national parliament. Mind you, it won't be easy.

Gopal Sengupta from Canada on E-mail: gopalsengupta@aol.com

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[vinnomot] Mass arrest


A man, while being taken to jail from the court on Tuesday, tries to pacify his daughter as she bursts into tears after seeing him, one of hundreds detained by the police in blanket arrests.
— Indrajit Ghosh

Mass arrest


The front-page photo of New Age (June 4) says it all. How things have 'improved' under the military-driven caretaker government and how 'pro-people' the non-political policymakers are!
   They are as fascist and ruthless, if not worse than the politicians they claim trying to rectify. In the process only the poor and hapless are bearing the brunt.
   Isn't this have been the case always?
   Tanvir Rahman
   Dhaka University, Via SMS
   

* * *

   What terrible crime did the poor man commit and what right do the so-called neutral caretaker government have to make the little girl witness her father being taken away like this?
   Sabrina
   Dhaka, Via SMS
   
* * *

   The other day, the home affairs adviser
   commented that the mass arrests are being made 'in good faith'. I dare the adviser to say it again standing in front of the wailing little girl we see on the front-page photograph of New Age.
   Habibur Rahman
   On e-mail
   
* * *

   That a picture says a thousand words is so accurate was once again proved by the photo of the man, one of the unfortunate victims of the ongoing mass arrest, and his daughter.
   Khondokar Nurul Amin
   Gulshan, Dhaka, on e-mail
   
* * *

   I felt very shocked by the newspaper reports on mass arrest by the police. We have invested little in social improvement. It is a wake-up call for all of us. It will take a lot of effort, time and energy to improve the situation. How can we solve a problem when we are not able to recognise it? The
   government need to wake up and reasses the situation.
   Gopal Sengupta
   Canada

[vinnomot] Is that day faw away ?


 This CTG has sued hasina and khaleda for causing loss to the country by niko and gatko.

 

 But they are causing loss of the country 42 crore a day by the rental power plant ..

 

http://www.thedailysangbad.com/index.php?news_id=8425&nature=1&cat_id=1&date=2008-06-04

 

 Is that day far away when they will be sued for loss of money, health  and work time loss due to long time in the line for buying rice?


 

অদক্ষ তত্ববধায়কদের জন্য দেশের প্রতিদিনের ক্ষতি কত কোটি টাকা?

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[vinnomot] A mockery of the CTG

Rule of law sounds a mockery in
times of blanket arrests

The total number of people detained by the military-controlled interim government as part of its mass-arrest operations across the country has now topped 14,000 in five days, implying that the average number of arrests has been roughly 3,000 daily since Sunday. While the political parties and the media have identified this move as a tactic of political repression and intimidation, home adviser MA Matin has claimed bona fide intentions only, describing it as a drive against miscreants and criminals. And yet, the inspector general of police, Noor Mohammad, has claimed vociferously that there has been no evidence of a slide in the law and order situation of the country. If such is really the case, how can the government justify such an elaborate detention campaign?
   In fact, these contradictory statements from the adviser and the police chief give lie to the government's purported political innocence in this matter. We see that a majority of those arrested are principally grass roots political leaders and activists, and though the media has repeatedly drawn the targeted nature of these arrests to attention, the government has ignored our calls. On the basis of this and other evidence that has piled up over the past four days, we believe the political parties are right in describing this operation as political repression.
   In the way that the incumbents have enforced their policy of blanket arrests, they have run roughshod on the rule of law, and civil and political rights, arbitrarily applying the emergency power rules to serve what we can only suspect to be a crude political end. Mass arrests make a mockery of the democratic norms and values. In fact, in the view of this paper, the current repression is a manifestation of this military-controlled interim government's inherent fear of, or disdain for, the people, worsened by its unravelling failure to resolve the ongoing political crisis primarily of its own making.
   We observed similar pathological instincts when over 90,000 people were charge-sheeted for the Dhaka University protests that erupted last August, and with more than 30,000 people charge sheeted when clashes broke out in Sadarghat in May this year. Such mass arrests have been routinely abused by successive governments of the past, to serve their own crude political ends, but back then, the accused still had recourse to legal relief in the form of bail and interventions by higher courts to check such abuse. Under emergency power rules, the government is under no compulsion to produce the detained before a magistrate within 48 hours, nor can the accused petition for bail. Given this abysmal state of civil and political rights that this government is using as a weapon, we hear a travesty of democracy and the rule of law, when we hear these concepts propounded and thrown about by the incumbents

 

http://www.newagebd.com/edit.html



অদক্ষ তত্ববধায়কদের জন্য দেশের প্রতিদিনের ক্ষতি কত কোটি টাকা?

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[vinnomot] New Authority for GM Crops+Agri Export Zones & SEZs+India-Thailand+IT in Rural India

NEWS Bulletin from Indian Society For Sustainable Agriculture And Rural Development
------------------------------------
 
1. Govt planning autonomous body to regulate GM crop development
 
2. Indo-Thai gem & jewellery trade can be complimentary, says study
 
3. Agri Export Zones (AEZs) prove much better than Special Export Zones (SEZs) - AEZ exports cross Rs 10,000 cr, zeroing in on target
 
4. Rural India lags in land records computerisation
------------------------------------
 
Govt planning autonomous body to regulate GM crop development
 
 
ASHOK B SHARMA
Posted online: Monday , June 02, 2008 at 2201 hrs IST
 
New Delhi, Jun 1 The government is planning to set up a new autonomous body to regulate the development and release of genetically modified (GM) crops, livestock and fishes, and food, as well as recombinant pharma and industrial products. The department of biotechnology (DBT) has already drafted the National Biotechnology Regulatory Bill-2008 for setting up of the proposed National Biotechnology Regulatory Authority (NBRA).
 
Though the proposed NBRA would be autonomous, it would attached to DBT in the same lines as the autonomous Food Safety and Standards Authority (FSSA) is attached to the Union health ministry.
 
Though the FSSA is empowered by law to regulate GM foods, the DBT proposal said, "from an operational standpoint, there are opportunities to coordinate the safety assessment of GM foods between FSSA and the NBRA." It suggested that the risk assessment unit of NBRA can undertake risk assessment on behalf of FSSA and submit its report to its chairperson for approval. Alternatively, GM food safety assessment can remain exclusively under FSSA and the regulation of GM foods be vested with NBRA.
 
The public sector, Biotech Consortium India Ltd is slated to conduct a series of public consultations on the Bill and the proposed authority.
 
It is proposed that NBRA will be headed by a chairperson and consists of chief regulatory officers, regulatory branches for different products, a risk assessment unit, and cross-sectoral offices for national and international policy coordination, legal affairs, economic analysis, and capacity building. The NBRA chairperson will be assisted an inter-ministerial advisory body and a national biotechnology advisory body. But these two bodies will not interfere in the product specific decisions taken by NBRA.
 
The draft bill has deviated from the suggestions of Swaminathan and Mashelkar panels, which had said that the proposed NBRA should have separate wings for GM crops, GM livestock and fisheries, and recombinant pharma and industrial products. It has, however, suggested setting up of the National Biotechnology Regulatory Appellate Tribunal.
----------------------------------------
 
Indo-Thai gem & jewellery trade can be complimentary, says study
 
 
ASHOK B SHARMA
Posted online: Monday , June 02, 2008 at 2239 hrs IST
 
New Delhi, Jun 1 A study jointly conducted by the apex industry body, Ficci and PriceWaterhouse Coopers has said that trade in gems and jewellery between India and Thailand can be of a complimentary nature. Thailand has a rich deposit of quality gemstones, which can be sourced by India. India is a major exporter of cut diamonds.
 
Both, India and Thailand are members of BIMST-EC and gems and jewellery is one of the most dynamic export-oriented sector in the region. However, the present level of trade is below its potential. In 2005-06 India's export of gems and jewellery to Thailand was $ 333.46 million, out of which of polished diamonds was $ 285.58 million.
 
The study also said that bilateral trade between the two countries has boosted the trade in auto components and Indian auto majors like Tata Motors have invested in Thailand. They argue that the synergies existing between the two countries should be encashed for boosting trade and investment for a win-win situation, particularly for development of infrastructure in India's northeastern states. Northeast India can be well connected with the neighbouring countries in South-East Asian region.
 
The study suggested cooperation in infrastructure, entertainment and media industry, hospitality and the wellness industry. It makes out a case for reviving th future harvest scheme between the two countries, which can lead to an effective FTA.
--------------------------------------
 
Agri Export Zones (AEZs) prove much better than Special Export Zones (SEZs)
 
AEZ exports cross Rs 10,000 cr, zeroing in on target
 
 
ASHOK B SHARMA
Posted online: Monday , June 02, 2008 at 2333 hrs IST
 
New Delhi, Jun 1 Agri export zones (AEZs), with comparatively lower level of investment than the special economic zones (SEZs), have the potential to boost exports. A recent study of 60 AEZs spread across 20 states conducted by Agriculture and Processed Foods Export Development Authority (APEDA) shows AEZs are approaching the cumulative export target.
 
According to the report by APEDA, AEZs have recorded cumulative exports of Rs10,685.29 crore up to February 2008 against the target Rs 11,821.47 crore. The investments by the central and state government agencies and by the private sector in the AEZs have not been up to the mark. Against a projection of Rs 1,717.95 crore, the cumulative investment so far has been Rs 1,097.53 crore.
 
AEZs have been less controversial than SEZs because they have not resulted in a change of land use for industrial and other activities. AEZs are not fixed by physical boundaries like SEZs-they are regions in different states known for growing special crops like gherkins, grapes, special varieties of mango, lichi, potato, pineapples, Darjeeling tea, rose onion, vanilla, flowers, basmati rice, medicinal and aromatic plants, pomegranate, banana, walnut, garlic, spices, duram wheat, lentils & gram, cashew nut, honey, apple, ginger, turmeric, coriander and cumin.
 
Over the years there have been sporadic efforts at setting up AEZs, with the state governments clamouring for approvals. This had resulted in the setting up of as many as 60 AEZs in 20 states. In most cases the state and central governments have not lived up to their commitments of ensuring adequate infrastructure, and the investment from the private sector has not been to the desired level. The APEDA review, therefore, said, "A package needs to be developed to suggest solutions to these problems and agencies identified to implement these in a given time-frame."
 
Andhra Pradesh with five AEZs has a record export turnover of Rs 2,852.59 crore. The AEZ for mango pulp and fresh vegetables in Chittoor district alone recorded an export turnover of Rs 2,736.03 crore, while export of mango and grapes in Ranga Reddy, Medak and Mehaboobnagar districts earned Rs 18.29 crore.
 
The mango AEZ in Krishna district is expected to record an export of Rs 2.75 crore and the gherkins AEZ in Mehaboobnagar, Ranga Reddy, Medak, Karimnagar, Warangal, Ananthapur and Nalgonda districts is likely to bring in Rs 44.5 crore through exports. The chilli AEZ in Guntur district earned Rs 51 crore in exports.
 
Next to Andhra Pradesh, in performance, is Kerala with two AEZs. Its horticulture products AEZ in Thirssur, Ernakulam, Kottayam, Alappuzha, Pathanamthitta, Kollam, Thiruvananthapuram, Idukki and Palakkad districts is expected to earn through Rs 2,277.79 crore. Kerala's medicinal plant AEZ is yet to become operational.
 
Karnataka's AEZs could bring in Rs 1544.79 crore hrough exports. Its gherkins AEZ located in Tumkur, Bangalore, Hassan, Kolar, Chiradurga, Dharwad and Bagalkot districts registered an export of Rs 1,237.05 crore.
 
The rose onion AEZ in Bangalore and Kolar districts earned an export amounting to Rs 276 crore, while its floriculture AEZ in Bangalore, Kolar, Tumkur, Kodagu and Belgaum districts earned Rs 31.74 crore.
 
The vanilla AEZ in Karanataka is yet to become operational.
 
The success story of AEZs is not just limited to south India. In north India, Punjab with its three AEZs has already earned Rs 1,523.83 crore through exports. The basmati rice AEZ located in Gurudaspur, Amritsar, Kapurthala, Jalandhar, Hoshiarpur and Nawanshashar districts fetched Rs 1,521 in exports. Export earnings from Punjab's vegetable and potato AEZs have been negligible.
 
Maharashtra is the fifth state, which has done well in earnings from exports through AEZs. The state has eight AEZs for grapes and grapewine, alphonso mango, kesar mango, floriculture, onions, pomegranate, banana and oranges.
The cumulative export earning from these eight AEZs are Rs 1,166.34 crore.
 
There are several such success stories in other AEZs spread across other states. The APEDA review also noted that some AEZs are yet to become operational, like the Darjeeling tea AEZ in West Bengal, vanilla AEZ in Karnataka, lentils & gram AEZs in Madhya Pradesh, sesame seed AEZ in Gujarat and medicinal plant AEZ in Kerala....
------------------------------------------
 
Rural India lags in land records computerisation
 
 
ASHOK B SHARMA
Posted online: Monday , June 02, 2008 at 2034 hrs IST
 
New Delhi, Jun 1 The government scheme of computerisation of land records, on since 1988-89, has not proceeded with the desired pace. The main objective of the scheme was to provide landowners with computerised copies of ownership, crop and tenancy and updated copies of records of rights (RoRs) on demand.
 
According to the recent records maintained by the Union ministry for rural development only 13 states out of 35 states and Union territories are in a position to provide RoRs on demand. These states are Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Goa, Gujarat, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Sikkim, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand and West Bengal.
 
The scheme of computerisation of land records (CLR) was extended to cover 4,423 talukas or tehsils (revenue circles) in 1021 sub-division in 582 districts of the country. Computer centres have been set up in 3,356 tehsils and in only 2902 tehsils computerised copies of RoRs are being issued to landowners on demand.
 
The scheme is fully funded by the central government for completing data entry, setting up of computer centres at tehsil level, block, circle sub-divisional and district levels a also for setting up of a monitoring cell at the state level. Funds are also provided for imparting training and application of software. Digitisation of maps has also been allowed under the scheme. Till January 31, 2008 the central government released Rs 561.30 crore to state governments, out of which only Rs 348.40 crore was utilised, meaning 62% utilization of funds. In the current year, the central government released Rs 15.95 crore to state governments.
 
The importance of computerization of land records in rural areas cannot be over emphasized, particularly in this IT age and where India is an IT leader. But unfortunately rural India is lagging far behind in e-governance.
 
There is another centrally sponsored scheme called Strengthening of Revenue Administration and Updating of Land Records (SRA&ULR), launched since 1987-88 on 50:50 contribution basis between the Centre and the states.
 
The main objective of the scheme is for strengthening of survey and settlement organizations for which financial assistance is provided for purchase of modern survey equipment like GPS, EDM, total stations, theodolites, work stations, aerial survey office, photocopiers, laminating machines. Since the inception of SRA&ULR, Centre has provided Rs 417.20 crore to state governments, out of which only Rs 283.13 crore was utilized, implying 68% utilisation of funds.
 
It has been proposed to merge these two scheme—CLR and SRA&ULR—into a new scheme called National Land Records Modernisation Programme (NLRMP). This revamp scheme would generate three layers of data namely spatial data from satellite imagery or aerial photography, topographic maps and other data from the Survey of India and Forest Survey of India and land record data and maps will be integrated and harmonised on geographic information system platform.
 
The primary focus of this revamped programmed will be to provide RoRs with maps to scale, other land-based certificates like caste certificate, income certificate, domicile certificate, land passbook, and eligibility criteria of the holder for getting benefits under government's welfare schemes....
--------------------------------------


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[vinnomot] Bangladesh Genocide Archive - Genocide

An online archive of chronology of events, documentations, audio, video, images, media reports and eyewitness accounts of the 1971 Genocide in Bangladesh in the hands of Paksitani army.

Genocide

"…… we were told to kill the hindus and Kafirs (non-believer in God). One day in June, we cordoned a village and were ordered to kill the Kafirs in that area. We found all the village women reciting from the Holy Quran, and the men holding special congregational prayers seeking God's mercy. But they were unlucky. Our commanding officer ordered us not to waste any time."
Confession of a Pakistani Soldier
kill29 Genocide
It all started with Operation Searchlight, a planned military pacification carried out by the Pakistan Army started on 25 March, 1971 to curb the Bengali nationalist movement by taking control of the major cities on March 26, and then eliminating all opposition, political or military, within one month. Before the beginning of the operation, all foreign journalists were systematically deported from Bangladesh. The main phase of Operation Searchlight ended with the fall of the last major town in Bengali hands in mid May.
According to New York Times (3/28/71) 10,000 people were killed; New York Times (3/29/71) 5,000-7,000 people were killed in Dhaka; The Sydney Morning Herald (3/29/71) 10,000 - 100,000 were killed; New York Times (4/1/71) 35,000 were killed in Dhaka during operation searchlight.
The operation also began the 1971 Bangladesh atrocities. These systematic killings served only to enrage the Bengalis, which ultimately resulted in the secession of East Pakistan later in December, 1971. The international media and reference books in English have published casualty figures which vary greatly; 200,000–3,000,000 for Bangladesh as a whole.
There is only one word for this: Genocide.

Genocide in Bangladesh, 1971

pakistani-army-shooting.jpgThe mass killings in Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) in 1971 vie with the annihilation of the Soviet POWs, the holocaust against the Jews, and the genocide in Rwanda as the most concentrated act of genocide in the twentieth century. In an attempt to crush forces seeking independence for East Pakistan, the West Pakistani military regime unleashed a systematic campaign of mass murder which aimed at killing millions of Bengalis, and likely succeeded in doing so.
In national elections held in December 1970, the Awami League won an overwhelming victory across Bengali territory. On February 22, 1971 the generals in West Pakistan took a decision to crush the Awami League and its supporters. It was recognized from the first that a campaign of genocide would be necessary to eradicate the threat: "Kill three million of them," said President Yahya Khan at the February conference, "and the rest will eat out of our hands." (Robert Payne, Massacre [1972], p. 50.) On March 25 the genocide was launched. The university in Dacca (Dhaka) was attacked and students exterminated in their hundreds. Death squads roamed the streets of Dacca, killing some 7,000 people in a single night. It was only the beginning. "Within a week, half the population of Dacca had fled, and at least 30,000 people had been killed. Chittagong, too, had lost half its population. All over East Pakistan people were taking flight, and it was estimated that in April some thirty million people [!] were wandering helplessly across East Pakistan to escape the grasp of the military." (Payne, Massacre, p. 48.) Ten million refugees fled to India, overwhelming that country's resources and spurring the eventual Indian military intervention. (The population of Bangladesh/East Pakistan at the outbreak of the genocide was about 75 million.)

The gendercide against Bengali men

The war against the Bengali population proceeded in classic gendercidal fashion. According to Anthony Mascarenhas:
There is no doubt whatsoever about the targets of the genocide. They were: (1) The Bengali militarymen of the East Bengal Regiment, the East Pakistan Rifles, police and para-military Ansars and Mujahids. (2) The Hindus — "We are only killing the men; the women and children go free. We are soldiers not cowards to kill them …" I was to hear in Comilla [site of a major military base] [Comments R.J. Rummel: "One would think that murdering an unarmed man was a heroic act" (Death By Government, p. 323)] (3) The Awami Leaguers — all office bearers and volunteers down to the lowest link in the chain of command. (4) The students — college and university boys and some of the more militant girls. (5) Bengali intellectuals such as professors and teachers whenever damned by the army as "militant." (Anthony Mascarenhas, The Rape of Bangla Desh [Delhi: Vikas Publications, 1972(?)], pp. 116-17.)
Mascarenhas's summary makes clear the linkages between gender and social class (the "intellectuals," "professors," "teachers," "office bearers," and — obviously — "militarymen" can all be expected to be overwhelmingly if not exclusively male, although in many cases their families died or fell victim to other atrocities alongside them). In this respect, the Bangladesh events can be classed as a combined gendercide and elitocide, with both strategies overwhelmingly targeting males for the most annihilatory excesses.
London, 6/13/71). The Sunday Times….."The Government's policy for East Bengal was spelled out to me in the Eastern Command headquarters at Dacca. It has three elements:
1. The Bengalis have proved themselves unreliable and must be ruled by West Pakistanis;
2. The Bengalis will have to be re-educated along proper Islamic lines. The - Islamization of the masses - this is the official jargon - is intended to eliminate secessionist tendencies and provide a strong religious bond with West Pakistan;
3. When the Hindus have been eliminated by death and fight, their property will be used as a golden carrot to win over the under privileged Muslim middle-class. This will provide the base for erecting administrative and political structures in the future."

Bengali man and boys massacred by the West Pakistani regime.

Bengali man and boys massacred by the West Pakistani regime. Younger men and adolescent boys, of whatever social class, were equally targets. According to Rounaq Jahan, "All through the liberation war, able-bodied young men were suspected of being actual or potential freedom fighters. Thousands were arrested, tortured, and killed. Eventually cities and towns became bereft of young males who either took refuge in India or joined the liberation war." Especially "during the first phase" of the genocide, he writes, "young able-bodied males were the victims of indiscriminate killings." ("Genocide in Bangladesh," in Totten et al., Century of Genocide, p. 298.) R.J. Rummel likewise writes that "the Pakistan army [sought] out those especially likely to join the resistance — young boys. Sweeps were conducted of young men who were never seen again. Bodies of youths would be found in fields, floating down rivers, or near army camps. As can be imagined, this terrorized all young men and their families within reach of the army. Most between the ages of fifteen and twenty-five began to flee from one village to another and toward India. Many of those reluctant to leave their homes were forced to flee by mothers and sisters concerned for their safety." (Death By Government, p. 329.) Rummel describes (p. 323) a chilling gendercidal ritual, reminiscent of Nazi procedure towards Jewish males: "In what became province-wide acts of genocide, Hindus were sought out and killed on the spot. As a matter of course, soldiers would check males for the obligated circumcision among Moslems. If circumcised, they might live; if not, sure death."
Robert Payne describes scenes of systematic mass slaughter around Dacca (Dhaka) that, while not explicitly "gendered" in his account, bear every hallmark of classic gender-selective roundups and gendercidal slaughters of non-combatant men:
Bengali intellectuals murdered and dumped at dockside in Dacca.In the dead region surrounding Dacca, the military authorities conducted experiments in mass extermination in places unlikely to be seen by journalists. At Hariharpara, a once thriving village on the banks of the Buriganga River near Dacca, they found the three elements necessary for killing people in large numbers: a prison in which to hold the victims, a place for executing the prisoners, and a method for disposing of the bodies. The prison was a large riverside warehouse, or godown, belonging to the Pakistan National Oil Company, the place of execution was the river edge, or the shallows near the shore, and the bodies were disposed of by the simple means of permitting them to float downstream. The killing took place night after night. Usually the prisoners were roped together and made to wade out into the river. They were in batches of six or eight, and in the light of a powerful electric arc lamp, they were easy targets, black against the silvery water. The executioners stood on the pier, shooting down at the compact bunches of prisoners wading in the water. There were screams in the hot night air, and then silence. The prisoners fell on their sides and their bodies lapped against the shore. Then a new bunch of prisoners was brought out, and the process was repeated. In the morning the village boatmen hauled the bodies into midstream and the ropes binding the bodies were cut so that each body drifted separately downstream. (Payne, Massacre [Macmillan, 1973], p. 55.)
Strikingly similar and equally hellish scenes are described in the case-studies of genocide in Armenia and the Nanjing Massacre of 1937.

How many died?

Bangladeshi authorities claim that 3 million people were killed, while the Hamoodur Rahman Commission, an official Pakistan Government investigation, put the figure as low as 26,000 civilian casualties. The fact is that the number of dead in Bangladesh in 1971 was almost certainly well into seven figures. It was one of the worst genocides of the World War II era, outstripping Rwanda (800,000 killed) and probably surpassing even Indonesia (1 million to 1.5 million killed in 1965-66).
As R.J. Rummel writes:
The human death toll over only 267 days was incredible. Just to give for five out of the eighteen districts some incomplete statistics published in Bangladesh newspapers or by an Inquiry Committee, the Pakistani army killed 100,000 Bengalis in Dacca, 150,000 in Khulna, 75,000 in Jessore, 95,000 in Comilla, and 100,000 in Chittagong. For eighteen districts the total is 1,247,000 killed. This was an incomplete toll, and to this day no one really knows the final toll. Some estimates of the democide [Rummel's "death by government"] are much lower — one is of 300,000 dead — but most range from 1 million to 3 million. … The Pakistani army and allied paramilitary groups killed about one out of every sixty-one people in Pakistan overall; one out of every twenty-five Bengalis, Hindus, and others in East Pakistan. If the rate of killing for all of Pakistan is annualized over the years the Yahya martial law regime was in power (March 1969 to December 1971), then this one regime was more lethal than that of the Soviet Union, China under the communists, or Japan under the military (even through World War II). (Rummel, Death By Government, p. 331.)
People regard that the best option is to regard "3 million" as not an absolute but an arbitrary number. The proportion of men versus women murdered is impossible to ascertain, but a speculation might be attempted. If we take the highest estimates for both women raped and Bengalis killed (400,000 and 3 million, respectively); if we accept that half as many women were killed as were raped; and if we double that number for murdered children of both sexes (total: 600,000), we are still left with a death-toll that is 80 percent adult male (2.4 million out of 3 million). Any such disproportion, which is almost certainly on the low side, would qualify Bangladesh as one of the worst gendercides against men in the last half-millennium.

Who was responsible?

"For month after month in all the regions of East Pakistan the massacres went on," writes Robert Payne. "They were not the small casual killings of young officers who wanted to demonstrate their efficiency, but organized massacres conducted by sophisticated staff officers, who knew exactly what they were doing. Muslim soldiers, sent out to kill Muslim peasants, went about their work mechanically and efficiently, until killing defenseless people became a habit like smoking cigarettes or drinking wine. … Not since Hitler invaded Russia had there been so vast a massacre." (Payne, Massacre, p. 29.)
There is no doubt that the mass killing in Bangladesh was among the most carefully and centrally planned of modern genocides. A cabal of five Pakistani generals orchestrated the events: President Yahya Khan, General Tikka Khan, chief of staff General Pirzada, security chief General Umar Khan, and intelligence chief General Akbar Khan. The U.S. government, long supportive of military rule in Pakistan, supplied some $3.8 million in military equipment to the dictatorship after the onset of the genocide, "and after a government spokesman told Congress that all shipments to Yahya Khan's regime had ceased." (Payne, Massacre, p. 102.)
hindu-racism.jpgThe genocide and gendercidal atrocities were also perpetrated by lower-ranking officers and ordinary soldiers. These "willing executioners" were fuelled by an abiding anti-Bengali racism, especially against the Hindu minority. "Bengalis were often compared with monkeys and chickens. Said Pakistan General Niazi, 'It was a low lying land of low lying people.' The Hindus among the Bengalis were as Jews to the Nazis: scum and vermin that [should] best be exterminated. As to the Moslem Bengalis, they were to live only on the sufferance of the soldiers: any infraction, any suspicion cast on them, any need for reprisal, could mean their death. And the soldiers were free to kill at will. The journalist Dan Coggin quoted one Punjabi captain as telling him, 'We can kill anyone for anything. We are accountable to no one.' This is the arrogance of Power." (Rummel, Death By Government, p. 335.)

Eyewitness accounts

The atrocities of the razakars in killing the Bengalis equaled those of their Pakistani masters. An excerpt from an article written in the Azad, dated January 15, 1972, underscores the inhuman atrocities of the Pakistani troops and their associates, the razakar and al-Badr forces:
'….The people of Narail can bear witness to the reign of terror, the inhuman atrocities, inflicted on them after (General) Yahya let loose his troops to do what they would. After March 25, many people fled Jessore in fear of their lives, and took refuge in Narail and its neighboring localities. Many of them were severely bashed by the soldiers of Yahya and lost their lives. Very few people ever returned. Bhayna is a flourishing village near Narail. Ali Akbar is a well-known figure there. On April 8, the Pakistani troops surrounded the village on the pretext that it was a sanctuary for freedom fighters. Just as fish are caught in a net so too were the people of this village all assembled, in an open field. Then everyone- men, women, and children–were all forced to line up. Young men between the ages of 25 and 30 were lined up separately. 45 people were shot to death on the spot. Three of Ali Akbar's brothers were killed there. Ali Akbar was able to save himself by lying on the ground. But no one else of that group was as fortunate. Nadanor was the Killing field. Every day 20 to 30 people were taken there with their hands tied behind their backs, and killed. The dead bodies would be flung into the river. Apart from this, a slaughter house was also readied for Bengalis. Manik, Omar, and Ashraf were sent to Jessore Cantonment for training and then brought to this slaughter house. Every day they would slaughter 9 to 12 persons here. The rate per person was Taka ten. On one particular day, 45 persons were slaughtered here. From April 15 to December 10, the butchery continued. It is gathered that 2,723 people lost their lives here. People were brought here and bashed, then their ears were cut off, and their eyes gouged out. Finally they were slaughtered… : The Chairman of the Peace Committee was Moulana Solaiman. With Dr. Abul Hussain and Abdul Rashid Mukhtar, he assisted in the genocide. Omar would proudly say, "During the day I am Omar, at night I am Shimar( legendary executioner famous for extreme cruelty). Don't you see my dagger? There are countless Kafirs (heretics) on it."

Chuknagar: The largest genocide during the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971

chuknagar Genocide
Chuknagar is a small business town located in the Dumuria Thana of Khulna district and very close to the India Bangladesh border. In 71 thousands of refugees gathered in Chuknagar to go to Kolkata. According to a conservative account around ten thousand people were in Chuknagar waiting to cross the border.
In the early morning of May 10, the fatal day around 10am two trucks carrying Paki troops arrived at Kautala (then known as Patkhola). The Pakis were not many in number, most possibly a platoon or so. As soon as the Paki trucks stopped, the Pakis alighted from the truck carrying light machine guns (LMGs) and semi automatic rifles and opened fire on the public. Within a few minutes a lively town turned into a city of death.
The accounts of the two hundred interviewees were same. They differed only in details. "There were piled up dead bodies. Dead Kids' on dead mum's laps. Wives hugging their beloved husbands to protect them from killer bullets. Dads' hugging their daughters to shield them. Within a flash they all were just dead bodies. Blood streamed into the Bhadra river, it became a river of corps. A few hours later when the Paki bastards ran out of bullets, they killed the rest of the people with bayonet."
Source: Muntassir Mamun, The Archive of Liberation War, Bangabandhu and Bangladesh Research Institute

Further Documents and facts

  • Statistics Of Pakistan's Democide: Estimates, Calculations, And Sources - R. J. Rummel
  • Genocide 71
  • Massacre of Dhaka University students
  • Torture Cells
  • Killing Zones
  • Operation search light
  • Mass grave found in Bangladesh - Tribune India August, 1999
  • An Army Insider's Honest Expose of Atrocities in East Pakistan Debacle
  • Unearthing the killing fields in Mirpur Dhaka for mass graves - evidence of genocide
  • Genocide Seminar on Bangladesh 2007: An unprecedented step by a US
    Bangladesh Genocide Study Group at Kean University

    Denials

    According to Gregory H. Stanton, President, Genocide Watch there are eight stages of a genocide. All of them are evident in the genocide commited by the Pakistan forces. The last of the eight stages is denial:
    It is among the surest indicators of further genocidal massacres. The perpetrators of genocide dig up the mass graves, burn the bodies, try to cover up the evidence and intimidate the witnesses. They deny that they committed any crimes, and often blame what happened on the victims.

    Articles

  • The Mathematics of a Genocide - Abul Kasem
  • Nights and Days of Pakistani Butchers - Abul Kasem
  • Remembering 25th March: The Darkest Night - Dr. Ajoy Roy
  • Violation of Human Rights and Genocide in Bangladesh -M. Maniruzzaman Mia
  • Tale of an abandoned monument: Madhuri Lata still whimpers for her martyred husband and relatives
  • Never again? Genocide since 1945 - Scott Lamb
  • Century of Genocide: Critical Essays and Eyewitness Accounts: Chapter 9: Genocide in Bangladesh - Rounaq Jahan.
  • Sen. Edward Kennedy on the Hindu Genocide in East Bengal '71
  • Genocide 1971: What does the world know about it? - Dr. Mohammad Omar Farooq
    genocide.jpg

    Images

    * Genocide images 1, 2, 3 (Viewers discretion advised)
  • Source:
    http://www.genocidebangladesh.org/
     
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